kat_lair: (HP - dangerously over-educated)
***

“Interspecies sexual assault is the product of a masculinity that sees women, animals and nature as objects that can be controlled, manipulated and exploited. Listen only to some of the sexist language that prepare the way for bodily sexual assault […] When a man describes women as ‘cows’, ‘bitches’, ‘(dumb) bunnies’, ‘birds’, ‘chicks’, ‘foxes’, ‘fresh meat’, and their genitalia as ‘beavers’ or ‘pussies’, he uses derogatory language to distance himself emotionally from, and to elevate himself above, his prey by relegating them to a male-constructed category of ‘less than human’ or, more importantly, ‘less than me’." (Beirne, 1997: 327)

Full Ref:
Beirne, P. (1997). Rethinking bestiality: towards a concept of interspecies sexual assault. Theoretical Criminology 1, 317–340.


***
kat_lair: (GEN - photos)
***


"International study teaches that other people may be good and beautiful despite being different. With respect to criminal justice, societies that are organized in very different ways may provide equal measures of justice and order. One society neither monopolizes nor exhausts the potentialities for virtue." (Bayley, 1999: 11)


Full Ref.
Bayley, D.H. (1999) 'Policing: the World Stage'. In R.I. Mawby (Ed.) Policing Across the World. Oxon: Routledge, 3-12.

***

Weekend

Mar. 2nd, 2013 12:29 pm
kat_lair: (GEN - medusa)
The only good thing about having to spend entire weekend writing lectures on psychology and sexual offending is the fact that I have a legitimate reason to introduce my students to the Evolutionary Psychology Bingo.

In other news: I cannot get Tricks to swallow the goddamn worming tablet no matter what I try or how I hide it.

Actual update soon. Maybe even tomorrow.
kat_lair: (Default)

Strain Theory, old and not without limitations, but still relevant.

“... actual advance toward desired success-symbols through conventional channels is, despite our persisting open-class ideology, relatively rare and difficult for those handicapped by little formal education and few economic resources. The dominant pressure of group standards of success is, therefore, on the gradual attenuation of legitimate, but by and large ineffective, strivings and the increasing use of illegitimate, but more or less effective, expedients of vice and crime. The cultural demands made on persons in this situation are incompatible. On the one hand, they are asked to orient their conduct toward the prospect of accumulating wealth and on the other, they are largely denied effective opportunities to do so institutionally. The consequences of such structural inconsistency are psycho-pathological personality, and/or antisocial conduct, and/or revolutionary activities. The equilibrium between culturally designated means and ends becomes highly unstable with the progressive emphasis on attaining the prestige-laden ends by any means whatsoever. Within this context, Capone represents the triumph of amoral intelligence over morally prescribed "failure," when the channels of vertical mobility are closed or narrowed in a society which places a high premium on economic affluence and social ascent for all its members. This last qualification is of primary importance. [...] It is only when a system of cultural values extols, virtually above all else, certain common symbols of success for the population at large while its social structure rigorously restricts or completely eliminates access to approved modes of acquiring these symbols for a considerable part of the same population, that antisocial behavior ensues on a considerable scale. In other words, our egalitarian ideology denies by implication the existence of noncompeting groups and individuals in the pursuit of pecuniary success. The same body of success-symbols is held to be desirable for all. These goals are held to transcend class lines, not to be bounded by them, yet the actual social organization is such that there exist class differentials in the accessibility of these common success-symbols.” (Merton, 1938: 679-80, emphasis as original)


Ref.
Merton, R.K. (1938) ‘Social Structure and Anomie’, American Sociological Review 3(5): 672-682.


kat_lair: (GEN - time marches on)


"Individuals who live under conditions of pervasive insecurity tend to make demands for what they judge to be “tough” anticrime measures (more police, more police powers, crackdowns on this offence or those suspects, stiffer sentencing, harsher penal regimes, and so on) in ways that display impatience with informed democratic deliberation, seek to suspend or abandon basic rights, foster hostility toward minorities and outsiders, and risk melding their interests and identities with those of the state whose “protective” power they seek to mobilize. This process is vicious and circular because once such demands are met in the terms in which they are presented, it becomes difficult to create the political and cultural conditions wherein the pace of such measures can be slowed, or a change or reversal of direction effected—thereby effecting a potentially endless “ratcheting up” in police numbers, or incarceration rates, or curtailments of basic liberties. And if such actions are perceived to have “failed,” or are ideologically depicted in those terms— because crime rates go up, or a child is abducted, or a group of youths run amok, or another terrorist outrage occurs—this overwhelmingly prompts calls for still “tougher” measures—only this time with a heavier dosage. A democracy- and liberty-eroding spiral is thus entered in ways it becomes hard to escape. A form of security politics gets entrenched that does much to put at risk democratic principles and basic rights, while doing little to make citizens either any safer or any more secure. As the “war on terror” is reminding us once again, anxious citizens make bad democrats." - Loader, 2006: 216



Full Ref:
Loader, I. (2006). ‘Policing, Recognition, and Belonging.’ The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 605 (1): 201-221.


kat_lair: (GEN - time marches on)


"Individuals who live under conditions of pervasive insecurity tend to make demands for what they judge to be “tough” anticrime measures (more police, more police powers, crackdowns on this offence or those suspects, stiffer sentencing, harsher penal regimes, and so on) in ways that display impatience with informed democratic deliberation, seek to suspend or abandon basic rights, foster hostility toward minorities and outsiders, and risk melding their interests and identities with those of the state whose “protective” power they seek to mobilize. This process is vicious and circular because once such demands are met in the terms in which they are presented, it becomes difficult to create the political and cultural conditions wherein the pace of such measures can be slowed, or a change or reversal of direction effected—thereby effecting a potentially endless “ratcheting up” in police numbers, or incarceration rates, or curtailments of basic liberties. And if such actions are perceived to have “failed,” or are ideologically depicted in those terms— because crime rates go up, or a child is abducted, or a group of youths run amok, or another terrorist outrage occurs—this overwhelmingly prompts calls for still “tougher” measures—only this time with a heavier dosage. A democracy- and liberty-eroding spiral is thus entered in ways it becomes hard to escape. A form of security politics gets entrenched that does much to put at risk democratic principles and basic rights, while doing little to make citizens either any safer or any more secure. As the “war on terror” is reminding us once again, anxious citizens make bad democrats." - Loader, 2006: 216



Full Ref:
Loader, I. (2006). ‘Policing, Recognition, and Belonging.’ The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 605 (1): 201-221.


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